N
o political choice is ever a 0/100 or a 100/0 affair. We balance, sift and finally settle, selecting the candidates we will reject and the ones we will vote for.
With Barack Obama, I quickly felt that his leftist voting record and his transparently disingenuous rhetoric was bad news for America and I hoped Hillary would win the Dem nomination – not so much because I thought that would make it easier for the GOP nominee to win, but because it meant that no matter who won, America would be in better hands than it would be if it was in Obama’s.
Still, he wasn’t 0/100 with me. I thought that his unique heritage could play well on the foreign policy stage, even if I didn’t trust his own policies. When gaps are huge – as they are between radical Islam and us – bridging has to come first, with policies following. Obama could be a bridge, and even if there are downsides to bridging, there is an upside (again not a 100/0 or 0/100 thing). The upside was that Obama might spark a “moderate revolution” in Islam, creating the opportunity for the religion’s worst elements to be censored – eliminated – from within, instead of by us.
Today in Cairo this was either going to happen or not happen. And none of us know, now that the speech has been given, whether sparking the moderation of Islam will be Obama’s legacy or not. But we do know, and have to admit, that he was uniquely qualified by his heritage and life story to give this speech. I have read no commentaries or news reports. I don’t know how it was received in Cairo, Tehran, Dearborn or either the right or left side of the blogosphere. I just read the transcript on Real Clear Politics, and this is what I think.
Structurally, the speech is very basic. It defines seven issues and introduces each by finding and celebrating our common ground in that area before detailing our differences and the Obama vision for resolution. In the seven issues, he covered everything I wanted him to cover, including in #5 the one with the most potential power: women’s rights. If the women of Islam begin to demand rights, it will be a great force toward moderation and economic development, and I hope that Islamic women and men will be inspired by those words.
The speech strained credulity and history at times trying to find common ground, as was the case early on when he cited the Treaty of Tripoli as evidence of a long, normal history between America and Islam:
I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America’s story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President John Adams wrote, “The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims.”
“Recognize” is a unique way to put the relationship characterized by this treaty, which was all about war and piracy and slavery and extortion – hardly the basis for Islam always being a positive part of America’s story. And it wasn’t John Adams that drafted the very controversial Article 11he quotes from, it was the diplomat Joel Barlow, who negotiated the treaty.
These oratorical stretches at the beginning of each of its seven sections are the points of the speech that are the must vulnerable, and surely will be the target of criticism. I get it; he wants to show the connection, but the very fact that the connction is sometimes so hard to find reveals the difficulty of the challenge.
It is naive to think that one speech would transform the world; that’s the “magic bullet” theory that Obama seems to believe in but simply is not true. Certain of his statements will stick in certain peoples’ craws and certain nations’ collective craws and will become their point of focus, building gaps, not bridges.
On policy, a few things jumped out at me, most of all that he did not say unequivocally that Iran cannot be allowed to have nuclear weapons. The closest he came to making a horrifying apology was in this section, when he appeared to apologize for our nuclear capabilities:
I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America’s commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons.
Is he saying it was wrong for America to make the choice to become a nuclear nation? It certainly seems so, and if that’s his belief, he’s got a lot of historical explaining to do, looking back, and he’s created a diplomatic quagmire, looking forward.
He satisfied me with his basic statements of support for Israel and surprised me in an extremely positive way with his frank condemnation of antisemitism and his statement – in Egypt, where antisemitism and Holocaust denial is a state-run business – that denying the Holocaust “is baseless, ignorant, and hateful.” I was less thrilled with his seeming acceptance of Hamas as a legitimate party going forward and his condemnation of Israeli settlements – but I loved that Holocaust talk! How will it play in the Muslim world? We’ll see, but it certainly did no harm.
The other thing that troubled me is the promises he made to American Muslims, and the commitments he made on behalf of we non-Muslims. He promised to make it easier for Muslims to fulfill the zakat – Islam’s charitable giving mandates – under U.S. tax law. I wasn’t aware this was a problem, and I hope he’s not talking about making it easier for American Muslims to give to Hamas and other terrorist groups.
I’m also not sure which Americans, exactly, he was talking about here:
Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.
I know a few Americans who are doing that. They’re called “missionaries,” and they have to live almost underground, fearful of religious persecution at any turn. I fear Obama is calling for something akin to the radical Americans who went to Cuba in the 60s to harvest sugar cane – will there be troops of progressives trekking to Libya now, coming back with Islamic doctrination rather than leaving behind American ideals?
Then there was the ludicrous. There always has to be the ludicrous in an Obama speech.
We will open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new Science Envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops.
Barry, Barry, Barry. These people are living with intermittent electric power, water they can’t drink, and they use dangerously over-crowded public transportation or motorbikes or even donkeys and camels to get around. Digitizing medical records when you’re going to clinics that wash and re-use wound dressings? Green jobs when any job will do, thank you? Leave the appeasing of the U.S. Greenies at home!
Still, I go back to the beginning and say this was a speech only Barack Obama could have given, and I have to say he did it well. His audience wasn’t us, it was them, and he did not come off as either weak or arrogant, the two directions that would have sunk this initiative. He positioned – perhaps too subtly for some – his country as a force for good, and held us up as an economic and human rights ideal. He will be the source of many, many conversations in the Muslim world for some time to come, many of them focusing on this, the big question:
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort – a sustained effort – to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.
My guess: As is the case now, most of us will work toward common ground, a good future for our children and respect for others. And a few radical Islamists will continue to focus on destroying all things not Islamic and creating a new caliphate.