
S
hould Barack Obama emerge victorious on Tuesday – or whenever the election is finally settled – this just might turn out to be the most important quote of the election season:
“We’ve got 49 Blue Dogs, maybe 61 after the election,” said Rep. Mike Ross of Arkansas. “We don’t need much persuasion. We’ve got the votes.”
Ross and his Blue Dogs represent one side in a Dem leadership split detailed in today’s WSJ, a side that will play the role of the heavy in upcoming Congressional debates.
Ways and Means chair Charlie Wrangle represent another side of the fractious Dem party, the Old Bull liberals. Asked about whether a costly social agenda can still move forward in light of the economy, he told the WSJ:
“For God’s sake, don’t ask me where the money will come from. I’m going to the same place [Secretary Henry] Paulson went.”
Wrangle thinks Obama has to start fast on his biggest, most liberal programs – revolutionary national heath care, high-cost efforts to prematurely rush America off oil, and shamefully undemocratic legislation that would allow unions to organize through Stalinist fear and intimidation rather than by good old American democratic principles.
Then there’s the moderates, voiced by House majority whip, James Clyburn:
“It’s better to let things evolve than to revolve. Revolutions are dangerous,”
Of Clyburn’s position, Rangle said, “he doesn’t have the slightest clue what he’s talking about.”
And finally, the swing state governors, who want in on the decision-making as well.
Democratic governors have been pushing for input as well, taking advantage of their positions atop regional vote-delivery machines. “I’m a swing-state governor. I’ve talked to this guy probably more than my own parents,” quipped Colorado’s Bill Ritter, who got Sen. Obama to adopt his “new energy economy” mantra verbatim.
Even if Obama is gifted in bipartisanship – which we have seen no evidence of throughout his minuscule career – it won’t be enough. He’ll have to be quadripartisan just to corral his own party, even before he wanders over to the GOP side. The article describes early efforts of the Dem leadership to come together to plan transition and first term strategies have been tense, with splits emerging.
Wrapping it all up, reporter Jonathan Weisman writes:
Senior Obama advisers say the senator has given no commitments to any of the camps. Without a chief of staff, without a formal policy apparatus to make such decisions, he can only take in the different arguments and await Election Day, they say.
After that, however, he won’t have the luxury to put off decisions: If elected, his budget plan will be due by early February.
And that will be quite a challenge for the junior senator from Illinois who’s biggest decisions thus far in his career have been whether to start his next narcissistic campaign before having the opportunity to gain experience and wisdom from his previous win. And he’s always chosen to rush it, putting his faith in his ability to fool the people. Should he win, he’ll be playing fool the Congress, and it will be a different game indeed.